Cântarea gregoriană

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Cântarea gregoriană sau cântul gregorian, cunoscut mai puțin sub numele de cântul carolingian, reprezintă tradiția centrală a plainchant-ului vestic, o formă de muzică liturgică monofonică în cadrul Ortodoxiei Occidentale care însoțea celebrarea Sfintei Liturghii și a altor slujbe liturgice. Acesta își datorează numele Papei Grigore I, Episcop de Roma între anii 590 și 604, care este tradițional creditat pentru a fi ordonat simplificarea și catalogarea muzicii atribuite diferitelor sărbători din calendarul bisericii. Rezultatul acestui efort este prima formă de notare muzicală care a evoluat în sistemul ancestral al notării muzicale moderne. În general, cânturile erau învățate prin metoda viva voce, adică urmând exemplul dat oral, ceea ce a necesitat mulți ani de experiență în Schola Cantorum. Cântul gregorian a luat naștere în viața monahală din Occident, în care celebrarea "Oficiului Divin" de opt ori pe zi, la orele potrivite, era respectată conform Regulii Sfântului Benedict. Cântarea psalmilor a constituit o parte semnificativă a vieții comunității monahale, în timp ce un grup mai mic și soliștii cântau cânturile. Pe parcursul istoriei sale îndelungate, cântul gregorian a suferit multe schimbări treptate și unele reforme, în special după Marea Schismă.

Istorie

Cântul gregorian a fost organizat, codificat și notat în principal în ținuturile france din vestul și centrul Europei în secolele al X-lea și al XIII-lea, cu adăugiri și redactări ulterioare, dar textele și multe dintre melodii au antecedente care datează cu câteva secole mai devreme. Deși credința populară l-a creditat pe Papa Grigore I că a inventat personal cântarea gregoriană (în același mod în care un profet biblic ar transmite un mesaj primit de Dumnezeu), oamenii de știință cred acum că cântarea care poartă numele său a apărut dintr-o sinteză carolingiană ulterioară a romanului și [ [Cântarea Gallicană]], și că la acea vreme atribuirea lui Grigore I era o „întreprindere de marketing” pentru a-l investi cu un pedigree sfințit, ca parte a efortului de a crea un protocol liturgic care să fie practicat pe tot parcursul Sfântului Imperiul Roman.

În secolele următoare, tradiția cântării a rămas în centrul muzicii romano-catolice și a servit drept platformă dominantă pentru noi practici de interpretare și compoziție. Muzica nou compusă pe texte noi a fost introdusă pentru prima dată în contextul cântecului simplu existent. Evul Mediu târziu polifonia a fost dezvoltată în muzica occidentală. Deși în mare parte a căzut în nefolosire după perioada barocului, cântul gregorian a cunoscut o renaștere în secolul al XIX-lea în Biserica Romano-Catolică și aripa anglo-catolică a Comuniunii Anglicane.

Organizare

Cântările gregoriene sunt organizate în opt moduri (scări). Trăsăturile melodice tipice includ incipituri și cadențe caracteristice, utilizarea tonurilor de recitare în jurul cărora se învârt celelalte note ale melodiei și un vocabular de motive muzicale țesute împreună printr-un proces numit centonizare pentru a crea familii de cântări înrudite.

Deși scalele majore și minore moderne în opt tonuri sunt strâns legate de două dintre aceste moduri bisericești (Ionian și, respectiv, Eolian), ele funcționează după reguli armonice diferite. Modurile bisericii se bazează pe modele de șase note numite hexacorde, ale căror note principale sunt numite „dominante” și „finală”. În funcție de locul în care finalul se încadrează în secvența hexacordului, modul este caracterizat fie ca fiind „autentic”, fie „plagal”. Modurile cu aceeași finală împărtășesc anumite caracteristici și este ușor de modulat înainte și înapoi între ele; prin urmare, cele opt moduri se împart în patru grupe mai mari în funcție de finala lor.

Notația

Cele mai vechi manuscrise ale cântărilor gregoriene au fost scrise folosind o notație grafică care folosește un repertoriu de semne specifice numite neume (noima); fiecare neume (noimă) desemnează un gest muzical de bază. Întrucât cărțile, din velin (piei de oaie tratate), erau foarte scumpe, textul era prescurtat oriunde era posibil, cu neumele scrise peste text. Aceasta a fost o notație fără linii și nici un contur melodic exact nu a putut fi descifrat din ea, ceea ce presupune că repertoriul a fost învățat prin memorare. În stadiile ulterioare, neumele sunt scrise pe doage de una sau mai multe rânduri; în secolul al XI-lea, aceasta a evoluat în notație pătrată, din care în cele din urmă s-a dezvoltat personalul modern de cinci linii în secolul al XVI-lea.[1] Ca tradiție muzicală dominantă în toată Europa, cântul gregorian a devenit rădăcina tuturor dezvoltărilor muzicale ulterioare în muzica romano-catolică, începând cu ascensiunea polifoniei în secolul al XI-lea.

Dezvoltarea cântării de tânguire

Cântarea a făcut parte din liturghie încă din primele zile ale Bisericii. Până la mijlocul anilor 1990, a fost larg acceptat că psalmodia cultului evreiesc antic a influențat și a contribuit în mod semnificativ la ritualul și cântarea creștină timpurie. Acest punct de vedere nu mai este acceptat în general de savanți, din cauza analizei care arată că majoritatea imnurilor creștine timpurii nu aveau Psalmi pentru texte și că Psalmii nu au fost cânți în sinagogă timp de secole după Distrugerea celui de-al Doilea Templu. în anul 70 d.Hr.[2] Totuși, riturile creștine timpurii au încorporat elemente ale cultului evreiesc antic care au supraviețuit în tradiția cântării ulterioare. Orele canonice își au rădăcinile în orele antice de rugăciune evreiască. „Amin” și „aleluia” provin din [ebraică, iar treilea „sanctus” derivă din tripla „kadosh” al Kedusha.[3]

Noul Testament menționează cântatul de imnuri în timpul Cinei celei de Taină: „După ce au cântat imnul, au ieșit la Muntele Măslinilor”. Alți martori antici precum Papa Clement I, Tertulian, Sf. Athanasius și Egeria confirmă practica,[4], deși în moduri poetice sau obscure, care aruncă puțină lumină asupra modului în care suna muzica în această perioadă.[5] „Imnul Oxyrhynchus” grecesc din secolul al III-lea a supraviețuit cu notație muzicală, dar legătura dintre acest imn și tradiția plainchant este incertă.[6]

Elementele muzicale care aveau să fie folosite ulterior în ritul roman au început să apară în secolul al III-lea. Tradiția apostolică, atribuită teologului Hippolytus, atestă cântarea psalmilor Hallel cu Aliluia ca refren în sărbătorile creștine timpurii agape.[7] Cântările Oficiului, cântate în timpul orelor canonice, își au rădăcinile la începutul secolului al IV-lea, când călugăriștii din deșert îl urmăresc pe Sf. Anthony a introdus practica psalmodiei continue, cântând ciclul complet de 150 de psalmi în fiecare săptămână. În jurul anului 375, psalmodia antifonală a devenit populară în Orientul creștin; in 386, Sf. Ambrozie a introdus această practică în Occident.

Oamenii de știință încă dezbat modul în care s-a dezvoltat cântecul simplu în secolele V-IX, deoarece informațiile din această perioadă sunt puține. În jurul anului 410, Augustin de Hippo a descris cântatul responsorial al unui psalm treptat la Liturghie. La cca. 520, Sfântul Benedict de Nursia a stabilit ceea ce se numește pravila Sfântului Benedict, în care a fost întocmit protocolul Oficiului Divin pentru uz monahal. În jurul anului 678, cântul roman a fost predat la York.[8] În această perioadă au apărut tradiții regionale distincte ale cântecului de plâns occidental, în special în Insulele Britanice (cântare celtică), Spania (mozarabă), Galia (galicană) și Italia (roman vechi, ambrosian și beneventan). Este posibil ca aceste tradiții să fi evoluat dintr-un repertoriu ipotetic pe tot parcursul anului de cântare plânsă din secolul al V-lea, după prăbușirea Imperiului Roman de Apus.

Originile noii tradiții

Repertoriul gregorian a fost sistematizat pentru a fi folosit în ritul roman. Potrivit lui James McKinnon, liturgia de bază a Liturghiei romane a fost compilată într-o perioadă scurtă în secolul al VIII-lea într-un proiect supravegheat de Chrodegang din Metz. Alți savanți, inclusiv Andreas Pfisterer și Peter Jeffery, au susținut o origine anterioară pentru cele mai vechi straturi ale repertoriului.

Savanții dezbat dacă elementele esențiale ale melodiilor își au originea în Roma, înainte de secolul al VII-lea, sau în Francia, în secolul al VIII-lea și începutul secolului al IX-lea. Tradiționaliștii romano-catolici indică dovezi care susțin un rol important pentru Papa Grigore I între 590 și 604, cum ar fi cel prezentat în articolul lui Heinrich Bewerunge din Enciclopedia Catolică.[9] Consensul academic, susținut de Willi Apel și Robert Snow, afirmă în schimb că s-a dezvoltat cântul gregorian. în jurul anului 750 dintr-o sinteză a cântării romane și galicane comandată de conducătorii carolingieni din Franța. În timpul unei vizite în Galia în 752–753, Papa Ștefan al II-lea celebrase Liturghia folosind cântarea romană. Potrivit lui Carlemagne, tatăl său Pepin a abolit ritul gallican local în favoarea uzului roman, pentru a întări legăturile cu Roma.[10] În 785–786, la cererea lui Carol cel Mare, Papa Hadrian I a trimis un sacramentar papal cu cântece romane la curtea carolingiană. Acest cânt roman a fost ulterior modificat, influențat de stilurile locale și de cântarea gallicană, iar ulterior adaptat în sistemul de opt moduri. Acest cânt franco-roman carolingian, mărit cu noi cântări pentru a completa anul liturgic, a devenit cunoscut drept „gregorian”. Inițial, cântecul a fost probabil numit așa pentru a onora papa contemporan Gregorie al II-lea,[11] dar mai târziu tradiția a atribuit autoritatea cântării mai faimosului său predecesor Grigore cel Mare. Grigorie a fost înfățișat dictând cântecul plâns inspirat de un porumbel reprezentând Sfântul Duh, dând cântului gregorian pecetea de autoritate sfântă. Paternitatea lui Gregory este acceptată popular ca faptă până astăzi.[12]

Diseminare și hegemonie

Cântul gregorian a apărut într-o stare remarcabil de uniformă în toată Europa în scurt timp. Carol cel Mare, odată ridicat la nivelul Sfântului Împărat Roman, a răspândit agresiv cântarea gregoriană în tot imperiul său pentru a consolida puterea religioasă și seculară, solicitând clerului să folosească noul repertoriu pe durere de moarte.[13] Din surse engleze și germane, cântul gregorian s-a răspândit la nord până în Scandinavia, Islanda și Finlanda.[14] În 885, Papa Ștefan al V-lea a interzis liturghia slavonă, ducând la ascensiunea cântului gregorian în țările catolice de est, inclusiv Polonia, Moravia, Slovacia și Austria.

Celelalte repertorii de cântări simple ale Occidentului creștin s-au confruntat cu o concurență severă din partea noului cânt gregorian. Carol cel Mare a continuat politica tatălui său de a favoriza ritul roman față de tradițiile locale gallicane. Până în secolul al IX-lea, ritul și cântarea gallicană fuseseră efectiv eliminate, deși nu fără rezistență locală.[15] Cântarea gregoriană a Ritului Sarum a înlocuit Cântul celtic. Gregorian a coexistat cu cântarea beneventană timp de peste un secol înainte ca cântarea beneventană să fie abolită prin decret papal (1058). Cântarea mozarabă a supraviețuit afluxului vizigoților și maurilor, dar nu și prelații susținuți de romani nou instalați în Spania în timpul Reconquista. Limitat la o mână de capele-uri dedicate romano-catolice, cântarea mozarabă modernă este foarte gregorianizată și nu are nicio asemănare muzicală cu forma sa originală. Numai cântecul ambrosian a supraviețuit până în zilele noastre, păstrat la Milano datorită reputației muzicale și autorității ecleziastice a Sfântului Ambrozie.

Cântarea gregoriană a înlocuit în cele din urmă tradiția locală a cântării Romei, care este acum cunoscută sub numele de Cântarea romană veche. În secolul al X-lea, în Italia nu se notează practic niciun manuscris muzical. În schimb, papii romani au importat cântecul gregorian de la Sfinții Împărați Romani germani în secolele al X-lea și al XI-lea. De exemplu, Credo a fost adăugat la Ritul Roman la ordinul împăratului german Henric al II-lea în 1014.[16] Întărit de legenda Papei Grigorie, cântarea gregoriană a fost considerată cântarea autentică și originală a Romei, o concepție greșită care continuă până în zilele noastre. Până în secolele al XII-lea și al XIII-lea, cântul gregorian a înlocuit sau marginalizat toate celelalte tradiții occidentale ale cântecului simplu.

Sursele ulterioare ale acestor alte tradiții de cântări arată o influență gregoriană în creștere, cum ar fi eforturile ocazionale de a-și clasifica cântările în modurile gregoriene. În mod similar, repertoriul gregorian a încorporat elemente ale acestor tradiții de plângere pierdute, care pot fi identificate printr-o analiză stilistică și istorică atentă. De exemplu, se crede că „Improperia” din Vinerea Mare este o rămășiță a repertoriului gallican.[17]

Surse timpurii și revizuiri ulterioare

Primele surse existente cu notație muzicală au fost scrise în jurul anului 930 (Graduale Laon). Înainte de aceasta, plângerea a fost transmisă oral. Majoritatea savanților cântului gregorian sunt de acord că dezvoltarea notației muzicale a ajutat la răspândirea cântului în Europa. Manuscrisele notate mai devreme sunt în principal din Regensburg în Germania, St. Gall în Elveția, Laon și St. Martial în Franța.

Cântul gregorian a fost supus în lunga sa istorie unei serii de redactări pentru a-l aduce la nivelul gusturilor și practicii contemporane în schimbare. Redacția mai recentă întreprinsă în Abația Benedictină din St. Pierre, Solesmes, s-a transformat într-un angajament uriaș de a readuce cântecul presupus corupt la o stare ipotetică „originală”. Cântul gregorian timpuriu a fost revizuit pentru a se conforma structurii teoretice a modurilor. În 1562–63, Conciliul de la Trent a interzis majoritatea secvențelor. „Directorium chori” al lui Guidette, publicat în 1582, și „Editio medicea”, publicată în 1614, au revizuit drastic ceea ce era perceput ca „barbarism” corupt și viciat, făcând cântările să se conformeze standardelor estetice contemporane.[18] În 1811, muzicologul francez Alexandre-Étienne Choron, ca parte a unei reacții conservatoare în urma ineficienței ordinelor catolice liberale din timpul Revoluției Franceze, a cerut revenirea. la cântul gregorian „mai pur” al Romei asupra corupțiilor franceze.[19]

La sfârșitul secolului al XIX-lea, manuscrisele liturgice și muzicale timpurii au fost dezgropate și editate. Anterior, catolicul Dom Prosper Gueranger a reînviat tradiția monahală din Solesmes. Reînființarea Oficiului Divin a fost printre prioritățile sale, dar nu existau cărți de cântece adecvate. Mulți călugări au fost trimiși la biblioteci din întreaga Europă pentru a găsi manuscrise relevante ale cântării. În 1871, însă, a fost retipărită vechea ediție Medicea (Pustet, Regensburg) pe care Papa Pius al IX-lea a declarat-o singura versiune oficială. În convingerea lor fermă că erau pe drumul cel bun, Solesmes și-a sporit eforturile. În 1889, după decenii de cercetări, călugării din Solesmes au lansat prima carte dintr-o serie planificată, Paléographie Musicale. Stimulentul publicării sale a fost de a demonstra corupția „Medicea” prin prezentarea de notații fotografiate care provin dintr-o mare varietate de manuscrise dintr-un singur cânt, pe care Solesmes le-a chemat ca martori pentru a-și afirma propriile reforme.

Călugării din Solesmes au adus artileria lor cea mai grea în această bătălie, deoarece într-adevăr, „Paleo” din punct de vedere academic trebuia să fie un tanc de război, menit să desființeze o dată pentru totdeauna ediția coruptă Pustet. Pe baza dovezilor de congruență în diferite manuscrise (care au fost publicate în mod corespunzător în ediții în facsimil cu ample introduceri editoriale), Solesmes a reușit să elaboreze o reconstrucție practică. Acest cântec reconstruit a fost lăudat din punct de vedere academic, dar respins de Roma până în 1903, când a murit Papa Leon al XIII-lea. Succesorul său, Papa Pius al X-lea, a acceptat prompt cântarea Solesmes - acum compilată ca „Liber usualis” – ca fiind autoritară. În 1904, a fost comandată ediția Vaticanului a cântecului Solesmes. Au apărut serioase dezbateri academice, în primul rând datorită libertăților stilistice luate de editorii Solesmes pentru a-și impune interpretarea controversată a ritmului. Edițiile Solesmes inserează semne de frazare și semne de alungire a notei „episema” și „mora” care nu se găsesc în sursele originale.

În schimb, ele omit litere semnificative găsite în sursele originale, care oferă instrucțiuni pentru ritm și articulare, cum ar fi accelerarea sau încetinirea. Aceste practici editoriale au pus la îndoială autenticitatea istorică a interpretării Solesmes.[20] Încă de când restaurarea Chantului a fost luată în Solesmes, au existat discuții îndelungate cu privire la direcția exactă care trebuia urmată. Unii au favorizat o strictă rigoare academică și au vrut să amâne publicațiile, în timp ce alții s-au concentrat pe chestiuni practice și au vrut să înlocuiască tradiția coruptă cât mai curând posibil. Aproximativ un secol mai târziu, există încă o breșă între o abordare muzicologică strictă și nevoile practice ale corurilor bisericești. Astfel, tradiția de interpretare stabilită de la începutul restaurării este în contradicție cu dovezile muzicologice.

În motu proprio Tra le sollecitudini, Pius al X-lea a mandatat folosirea cântului gregorian, încurajând credincioșii să cânte Ordinarul Liturghiei, deși a rezervat cântarea Propurilor pentru bărbați. În timp ce acest obicei este menținut în comunitățile catolice tradiționaliste, Biserica Romano-Catolică nu mai persistă cu această interdicție. Vatican II a permis oficial credincioșilor să înlocuiască cântul gregorian cu altă muzică, în special polifonia sacră, deși a reafirmat că cântul gregorian era încă muzica oficială a ritului roman al Bisericii Catolice și muzica cea mai potrivită pentru închinare în Liturghie romană.[21]

Musical form

Melodic types

Gregorian chant is, of course, vocal music. The text, the phrases, words and eventually the syllables, can be sung in various ways. The most straightforward is recitation on the same tone, which is called "syllabic" as each syllable is sung to a single tone. Likewise, simple chants are often syllabic throughout with only a few instances where two or more notes are sung on one syllable. "Neumatic" chants are more embellished and ligatures, a connected group of notes, written as a single compound neume, abound in the text. Melismatic chants are the most ornate chants in which elaborate melodies are sung on long sustained vowels as in the Alleluia, ranging from five or six notes per syllable to over sixty in the more prolix melismas.[22]

Gregorian chants fall into two broad categories of melody: recitatives and free melodies.[23] The simplest kind of melody is the liturgical recitative. Recitative melodies are dominated by a single pitch, called the reciting tone. Other pitches appear in melodic formulae for incipits, partial cadences, and full cadences. These chants are primarily syllabic. For example, the Collect for Pascha consists of 127 syllables sung to 131 pitches, with 108 of these pitches being the reciting note A and the other 23 pitches flexing down to G.[24] Liturgical recitatives are commonly found in the accentus chants of the liturgy, such as the intonations of the Collect, Epistle, and Gospel during the Mass, and in the direct psalmody of the Office.

Psalmodic chants, which intone psalms, include both recitatives and free melodies. Psalmodic chants include direct psalmody, antiphonal chants, and responsorial chants.[25] In direct psalmody, psalm verses are sung without refrains to simple, formulaic tones. Most psalmodic chants are antiphonal and responsorial, sung to free melodies of varying complexity.

Antiphonal chants such as the Introit, and Communion originally referred to chants in which two choirs sang in alternation, one choir singing verses of a psalm, the other singing a refrain called an antiphon. Over time, the verses were reduced in number, usually to just one psalm verse and the Doxology, or even omitted entirely. Antiphonal chants reflect their ancient origins as elaborate recitatives through the reciting tones in their melodies. Ordinary chants, such as the Kyrie and Gloria, are not considered antiphonal chants, although they are often performed in antiphonal style.

Responsorial chants such as the Gradual, Alleluia, Offertory, and the Office Responsories originally consisted of a refrain called a respond sung by a choir, alternating with psalm verses sung by a soloist. Responsorial chants are often composed of an amalgamation of various stock musical phrases, pieced together in a practice called centonization. Tracts are melismatic settings of psalm verses and use frequent recurring cadences and they are strongly centonized.

Gregorian chant evolved to fulfill various functions in the Roman Catholic liturgy. Broadly speaking, liturgical recitatives are used for texts intoned by deacons or priests. Antiphonal chants accompany liturgical actions: the entrance of the officiant, the collection of offerings, and the distribution of sanctified bread and wine. Responsorial chants expand on readings and lessons.[26]

The non-psalmodic chants, including the Ordinary of the Mass, sequences, and hymns, were originally intended for congregational singing.[27] The structure of their texts largely defines their musical style. In sequences, the same melodic phrase is repeated in each couplet. The strophic texts of hymns use the same syllabic melody for each stanza.

Modality

Early plainchant, like much of Western music, is believed to have been distinguished by the use of the diatonic scale. Modal theory, which postdates the composition of the core chant repertory, arises from a synthesis of two very different traditions: the speculative tradition of numerical ratios and species inherited from ancient Greece and a second tradition rooted in the practical art of cantus. The earliest writings that deal with both theory and practice include the Enchiriadis group of treatises, which circulated in the late ninth century and possibly have their roots in an earlier, oral tradition. In contrast to the ancient Greek system of tetrachords (a collection of four continuous notes) that descend by two tones and a semitone, the Enchiriadis writings base their tone-system on a tetrachord that corresponds to the four finals of chant, D, E, F, and G. The disjunct tetrachords in the Enchiriadis system have been the subject of much speculation, because they do not correspond to the diatonic framework that became the standard Medieval scale (for example, there is a high F#, a note not recognized by later Medieval writers). A diatonic scale with a chromatically alterable b/b-flat was first described by Hucbald, who adopted the tetrachord of the finals (D, E, F, G) and constructed the rest of the system following the model of the Greek Greater and Lesser Perfect Systems. These were the first steps in forging a theoretical tradition that corresponded to chant.

Around 1025, Guido d'Arezzo revolutionized Western music with the development of the gamut, in which pitches in the singing range were organized into overlapping hexachords. Hexachords could be built on C (the natural hexachord, C-D-E^F-G-A), F (the soft hexachord, using a B-flat, F-G-A^Bb-C-D), or G (the hard hexachord, using a B-natural, G-A-B^C-D-E). The B-flat was an integral part of the system of hexachords rather than an accidental. The use of notes outside of this collection was described as musica ficta.

Gregorian chant was categorized into eight modes, influenced by the eightfold division of Byzantine chants called the oktoechos.[28] Each mode is distinguished by its final, dominant, and ambitus. The final is the ending note, which is usually an important note in the overall structure of the melody. The dominant is a secondary pitch that usually serves as a reciting tone in the melody. Ambitus refers to the range of pitches used in the melody. Melodies whose final is in the middle of the ambitus, or which have only a limited ambitus, are categorized as plagal, while melodies whose final is in the lower end of the ambitus and have a range of over five or six notes are categorized as authentic. Although corresponding plagal and authentic modes have the same final, they have different dominants.[29] The existent pseudo-Greek names of the modes, rarely used in medieval times, derive from a misunderstanding of the Ancient Greek modes; the prefix "Hypo-" (under, Gr.) indicates a plagal mode, where the melody moves below the final. In contemporary Latin manuscripts the modes are simply called Protus authentus /plagalis, Deuterus, Tritus and Tetrardus: the 1st mode, authentic or plagal, the 2nd mode etc. In the Roman Chantbooks the modes are indicated by Roman numerals.

Modes 1 and 2 are the authentic and plagal modes ending on D, sometimes called [Dorian and Hypodoria].
Modes 3 and 4 are the authentic and plagal modes ending on E, sometimes called Phrygian and Hypophrygian.
Modes 5 and 6 are the authentic and plagal modes ending on F, sometimes called Lydian and Hypolydian.
Modes 7 and 8 are the authentic and plagal modes ending on G, sometimes called Mixolydian and Hypomixolydian.

Although the modes with melodies ending on A, B, and C are sometimes referred to as Aeolia], |Locrian, and Ionian, these are not considered distinct modes and are treated as transpositions of whichever mode uses the same set of hexachords. The actual pitch of the Gregorian chant is not fixed, so the piece can be sung in whichever range is most comfortable.

Certain classes of Gregorian chant have a separate musical formula for each mode, allowing one section of the chant to transition smoothly into the next section, such as the psalm tones between antiphons and psalm verses.[30]

Not every Gregorian chant fits neatly into Guido's hexachords or into the system of eight modes. For example, there are chants — especially from German sources — whose neumes suggest a warbling of pitches between the notes E and F, outside the hexachord system.[31] Early Gregorian chant, like Ambrosian and Old Roman chant, whose melodies are most closely related to Gregorian, did not use the modal system.[32] The great need for a system of organizing chants lies in the need to link antiphons with standard tones, as in for example, the psalmody at the Office. Using Psalm Tone i with an antiphon in Mode 1 makes for a smooth transition between the end of the antiphon and the intonation of the tone, and the ending of the tone can then be chosen to provide a smooth transition back to the antiphon. As the modal system gained acceptance, Gregorian chants were edited to conform to the modes, especially during 12th-century Cistercian reforms. Finals were altered, melodic ranges reduced, melismas trimmed, B-flats eliminated, and repeated words removed.[33] Despite these attempts to impose modal consistency, some chants — notably Communions — defy simple modal assignment. For example, in four medieval manuscripts, the Communion Circuibo was transcribed using a different mode in each.[34]

Musical idiom

Several features besides modality contribute to the musical idiom of Gregorian chant, giving it a distinctive musical flavor. Melodic motion is primarily stepwise. Skips of a third are common, and larger skips far more common than in other plainchant repertories such as Ambrosian chant or Beneventan chant. Gregorian melodies are more likely to traverse a seventh than a full octave, so that melodies rarely travel from D up to the D an octave higher, but often travel from D to the C a seventh higher, using such patterns as D-F-G-A-C.[35] Gregorian melodies often explore chains of pitches, such as F-A-C, around which the other notes of the chant gravitate.[36] Within each mode, certain incipits and cadences are preferred, which the modal theory alone does not explain. Chants often display complex internal structures that combine and repeat musical subphrases. This occurs notably in the Offertories; in chants with shorter, repeating texts such as the Kyrie and Agnus Dei; and in longer chants with clear textual divisions such as the Great Responsories, the Gloria, and the Credo.[37]

Chants sometimes fall into melodically related groups. The musical phrases centonized to create Graduals and Tracts follow a musical "grammar" of sorts. Certain phrases are used only at the beginnings of chants, or only at the end, or only in certain combinations, creating musical families of chants such as the Iustus ut palma family of Graduals.[38] Several Introits in mode 3, including Loquetur Dominus above, exhibit melodic similarities. Mode III (E authentic) chants have C as a dominant, so C is the expected reciting tone. These mode III Introits, however, use both G and C as reciting tones, and often begin with a decorated leap from G to C to establish this tonality.[39] Similar examples exist throughout the repertory.

Notation

The earliest notated sources of Gregorian chant (written ca. 950) used symbols called neumes (Gr. sign (of the hand) to indicate tone-movements and relative duration within each syllable. A sort of musical stenography that seems to focus on gestures and tone-movements but not the specific pitches of individual notes, nor the relative starting pitches of each neume. Given the fact that Chant was learned in an oral tradition in which the texts and melodies were sung from memory, this was obviously not necessary. The neumatic manuscripts display great sophistication and precision in notation and a wealth of graphic signs to indicate the musical gesture and proper pronunciation of the text. Scholars postulate that this practice may have been derived from cheironomic hand-gestures, the ekphonetic notation of Byzantine chant, punctuation marks, or diacritical accents.[40] Later adaptations and innovations included the use of a dry-scratched line or an inked line or two lines, marked C or F showing the relative pitches between neumes. Consistent relative heightening first developed in the Aquitaine region, particularly at St. Martial de Limoges, in the first half of the eleventh century. Many German-speaking areas, however, continued to use unpitched neumes into the twelfth century. Additional symbols developed, such as the custos, placed at the end of a system to show the next pitch. Other symbols indicated changes in articulation, duration, or tempo, such as a letter "t" to indicate a tenuto. Another form of early notation used a system of letters corresponding to different pitches, much as Shaker music is notated.

The Liber usualis uses square notation, as in this excerpt from the Kyrie eleison (Orbis factor).
By the 13th century, the neumes of Gregorian chant were usually written in square notation on a four-line staff with a clef, as in the Graduale Aboense pictured above. In square notation, small groups of ascending notes on a syllable are shown as stacked squares, read from bottom to top, while descending notes are written with diamonds read from left to right. When a syllable has a large number of notes, a series of smaller such groups of neumes are written in succession, read from left to right. The oriscus, quilisma, and liquescent neumes indicate special vocal treatments, that have been largely neglected due to uncertainty as to how to sing them. Since the 1970s, with the influential insights of Dom. E. Cardine (see below under 'rhythm'), ornamental neumes have received more attention from both researchers and performers.

B-flat is indicated by a "b-mollum" (Lat. soft), a rounded undercaste 'b' placed to the left of the entire neume in which the note occurs, as shown in the "Kyrie" to the right. When necessary, a "b-durum" (Lat. hard), written squarely, indicates B-natural and serves to cancel the b-mollum . This system of square notation is standard in modern chantbooks.

Performance

Texture

Gregorian chant was originally used for singing the Office (by male and female religious) and for singing the parts of the Mass pertaining to the lay faithful (male and female), the celebrant (priest, always male) and the choir (composed of male ordained clergy, except in convents). Outside the larger cities, the number of available clergy dropped, and lay men started singing these parts. The choir was considered an official liturgical duty reserved to clergy, so women were not allowed to sing in the Schola Cantorum or other choirs except in convents where women were permitted to sing the Office and the parts of the Mass pertaining to the choir as a function of their consecrated life.[41]

Chant was normally sung in unison. Later innovations included tropes, which is a new text sung to the same melodic phrases in a melismatic chant (repeating an entire Alleluia-melody on a new text for instance, or repeating a full phrase with a new text that comments on the previously sung text) and various forms of organum, (improvised) harmonic embellishment of chant melodies focusing on octaves, fifths, fourths, and, later, thirds. Neither tropes nor organum, however, belong to the chant repertory proper. The main exception to this is the sequence, whose origins lay in troping the extended melisma of Alleluia chants known as the jubilus, but the sequences, like the tropes, were later officially suppressed. The Council of Trent struck sequences from the Gregorian corpus, except those for Pascha, Pentecost, Corpus Christi and All Souls' Day.

Not much is known about the particular vocal stylings or performance practices used for Gregorian chant in the Middle Ages. On occasion, the clergy was urged to have their singers perform with more restraint and piety. This suggests that virtuosic performances occurred, contrary to the modern stereotype of Gregorian chant as slow-moving mood music. This tension between musicality and piety goes far back; Gregory the Great himself criticized the practice of promoting clerics based on their charming singing rather than their preaching.[42] However, Odo of Cluny, a renowned monastic reformer, praised the intellectual and musical virtuosity to be found in chant:

"For in these Offertories and Communions there are the most varied kinds of ascent, descent, repeat..., delight for the cognoscenti, difficulty for the beginners, and an admirable organization... that widely differs from other chants; they are not so much made according to the rules of music... but rather evince the authority and validity... of music."[43]

True antiphonal performance by two alternating choruses still occurs, as in certain German monasteries. However, antiphonal chants are generally performed in responsorial style by a solo cantor alternating with a chorus. This practice appears to have begun in the Middle Ages.[44] Another medieval innovation had the solo cantor sing the opening words of responsorial chants, with the full chorus finishing the end of the opening phrase. This innovation allowed the soloist to fix the pitch of the chant for the chorus and to cue the choral entrance.

Rhythm

Because of the obviously evasive quality of medieval notation as the silent remains of a living tradition, displaced a thousand years out of its cultural context, rhythm in Gregorian chant has always been a hotbed of debate among modern scholars who have fundamental differences in point of view on rhythm. To complicate matters further, a host of ornamental neumes are used in the earliest manuscripts that pose many difficulties on the rhythmic plane. Certain neumes such as the pressus, pes quassus, strophic neumes may indicate repeated notes, lengthening by repercussion, in some cases with added ornaments. By the 13th century, with the widespread use of square notation, most chant was sung with an approximately equal duration allotted to each note, although Jerome of Moravia cites exceptions in which certain notes, such as the final notes of a chant, are lengthened.[45]

While the standard repertory of Gregorian Chant was partly being supplanted with new forms of polyphony, the earlier melo-rhythmic refinements of monophonic chant seem to fall into disuse. Later redactions such as the Editio medicaea of 1614 rewrote chant so that melismas, with their melodic accent, fell on accented syllables.[46] This aesthetic held sway until the re-examination of chant in the late 19th century by such scholars as Wagner, Joseph Pothier]], and André Mocquereau, who fell into two camps.

One school of thought, including Wagner, Jammers, and Lipphardt, advocated imposing rhythmic meters on chants, although they disagreed on how that should be done. An opposing interpretation, represented by Pothier and Mocquereau, supported a free rhythm of equal note values, although some notes are lengthened for textual emphasis or musical effect. The modern Solesmes editions of Gregorian chant follow this interpretation. Mocquereau divided melodies into two- and three-note phrases, each beginning with an ictus, akin to a beat, notated in chantbooks as a small vertical mark. These basic melodic units combined into larger phrases through a complex system expressed by cheironomic hand-gestures.[47] This approach prevailed during the twentieth century, propagated by Justine Ward's program of music education for children, until the liturgical role of chant was diminished after the liturgical reforms of Paul VI, and new scholarship "essentially discredited" Mocquereau's rhythmic theories.[48]

Common modern practice favors performing Gregorian chant with no beat or regular metric accent, largely for aesthetic reasons.[49] The text determines the accent while the melodic contour determines the phrasing. The note lengthenings recommended by the Solesmes school remain influential, though not prescriptive.

Dom Eugene Cardine, (1905–1988) monk from Solesmes, published his 'Semiologie Gregorienne' in 1970 in which he clearly explains the musical significance of the neumes of the early chant manuscripts. Cardine shows the great diversity of neumes and graphic variations of the basic shape of a particular neume, which can not be expressed in the square notation. This variety in notation must have served a practical purpose and therefore a musical significance. Nine years later, the Graduale Triplex was published, in which the Roman Gradual, containing all the chants for Mass in a Year's cycle, appeared with the neumes of the two most important manuscripts copied under and over the 4-line staff of the square notation. The Graduale Triplex made widely accessible the original notation of Sankt Gallen and Laon (compiled after 930 AD) in a single chantbook and was a huge step forward. Dom Cardine had many students who have each in their own way continued their semiological studies, some of whom also started experimenting in applying the newly understood principles in performance practice.

The studies of Cardine and his students (Godehard Joppich, Luigi Augustoni, Marie-Noël Colette, Rupert Fischer, Marie-Claire Billecocq to name a few) have clearly demonstrated that rhythm in Gregorian chant as notated in the 10th century rhythmic manuscripts (notably Skt. Gallen and Laon) manifest such rhythmic diversity and melodic – rhythmic ornamentations for which there is hardly a living performance tradition in the Western world. Contemporary groups that endeavour to sing according to the manuscript traditions have evolved after 1975. Some practising researchers favour a closer look at non Western (liturgical) traditions, in such cultures where the tradition of modal monophony was never abandoned.

Another group with different views are the mensuralists or the proportionalists, who maintain that rhythm has to be interpreted proportionately, where shorts are exactly half the longs. This school of interpretation claims the support of historical authorities such as St Augustine, Remigius, Guido and Aribo [1]. This view is advocated by John Blackley and his 'Schola Antiqua New York'.

Recent research in the Netherlands by Dr. Dirk van Kampen has indicated that the authentic rhythm of Gregorian chant in the 10th century includes both proportional elements and elements that are in agreement with semiology.[50][51][52] Starting with the expectation that the rhythm of Gregorian chant (and thus the duration of the individual notes) anyway adds to the expressivity of the sacred Latin texts, several word-related variables were studied for their relationship with several neume-related variables, exploring these relationships in a sample of introit chants using such statistical methods as correlational analysis and multiple regression analysis.

Besides the length of the syllables (measured in tenths of seconds), each text syllable was evaluated in terms of its position within the word to which it belongs, defining such variables as ‘the syllable has or hasn’t the main accent’, ‘the syllable is or isn’t at the end of a word’, etc., and in terms of the particular sounds produced (for instance, the syllable contains the vowel ‘i’). The various neume elements were evaluated by attaching different duration values to them, both in terms of semiological propositions (nuanced durations according to the manner of neume writing in Chris Hakkennes’ Graduale Lagal) [53]), and in terms of fixed duration values that were based on mensuralistic notions, however with ratios between short and long notes ranging from 1 : 1, via 1 : 1.2, 1 : 1.4, etc. to 1 : 3. To distinguish short and long notes, tables were consulted that were established by Van Kampen in an unpublished comparative study regarding the neume notations according to St Gallen and Laon codices. With some exceptions, these tables confirm the short vs. long distinctions in Cardine’s 'Semiologie Gregorienne'.

The lengths of the neumes were given values by adding up the duration values for the separate neume elements, each time following a particular hypothesis concerning the rhythm of Gregoriant chant. Both the syllable lengths and the neume lengths were also expressed in relation to the total duration of the syllables, resp. neumes for a word (contextual variables). Correlating the various word and neume variables, substantial correlations were found for the word variables 'accented syllable' and 'contextual syllable duration'. Moreover, it could be established that the multiple correlation (R) between the two types of variables reaches its maximum (R is about 0.80) if the neumatic elements are evaluated according to the following ‘rules of duration’: (a) neume elements that represent short notes in neumes consisting of at least two notes have duration values of 1 time; (b) neume elements that represent long notes in neumes consisting of at least two notes have duration values of 2 times; (c) neumes consisting of only one note are characterized by flexible duration values (with an average value of 2 times), which take over the duration values of the syllables to match.

It is interesting that the distinction between the first two rules and the latter rule can also be found in early treatises on music, introducing the terms metrum and rhythmus.[54][55] As it could also be demonstrated by Van Kampen that melodic peaks often coincide with the word accent (see also),[56] the conclusion seems warranted that the Gregorian melodies enhance the expressiveness of the Latin words by mimicking to some extent both the accentuation of the sacred words (pitch differences between neumes) and the relative duration of the word syllables (by paying attention to well-defined length differences between the individual notes of a neume).

Melodic restitution

Recent developments involve an intensifying of the semiological approach according to Dom Cardine, which also gave a new impetus to the research into melodic variants in various manuscripts of chant. On the basis of this ongoing research it has become obvious that the Graduale and other chantbooks contain many melodic errors, some very consistently, (the mis-interpretation of third and eighth mode) necessitating a new edition of the Graduale according to state-of-the-art melodic restitutions. The so-called Munsterschwarzach-group under the guidance of Godehard Joppich and various other groups and individuals have done extensive work in this field.

In this approach the so-called earlier 'rhythmic' manuscripts of unheightened neumes that carry a wealth of melo-rhythmic information but not of exact pitches, are compared in large tables of comparison with relevant later 'melodic' manuscripts' that are written on lines or use double alphabetic and neumes notation over the text, but as a rule have less rhythmic refinement compared to the earlier group. However, the comparison between the two groups has made it possible to correct what are obvious mistakes. In other instances it is not so easy to find a consensus. In 1984 Chris Hakkennes published his own transcription of the Graduale Triplex. He devised a new graphic adaptation of square notation 'simplex' in which he integrated the rhythmic indications of the two most relevant sources, that of Laon and Skt. Gallen.

Referring to these manuscripts, he called his own transcription Gradual Lagal. Furthermore, while making the transcription, he cross-checked with the melodic manuscripts to correct modal errors or other melodic errors found in the Graduale Romanum. His intention was to provide a corrected melody in rhythmic notation but above all – he was also a choirmaster – suited for practical use, therefore a simplex, integrated notation. Although fully admitting the importance of Hakkennes' melodic revisions, the rhythmical solution suggested in the Graduale Lagal was actually found by Van Kampen (see above) to be rather modestly related to the text of the chant.

Liturgical functions

Gregorian chant is sung in the Office during the canonical hours and in the liturgy of the Mass. Texts known as accentus are intoned by bishops, priests, and deacons, mostly on a single reciting tone with simple melodic formulae at certain places in each sentence. More complex chants are sung by trained soloists and choirs. The most complete collection of chants is the Liber usualis, which contains the chants for the Tridentine Mass and the most commonly used Office chants. Outside of monasteries, the more compact Graduale Romanum is commonly used.

Proper chants of the Mass

The Introit, Gradual, Alleluia, Tract, Sequence, Offertory and Communion chants are part of the Proper of the Mass. "Proprium Missae" in Latin refers to the chants of the Mass that have their proper individual texts for each Sunday throughout the annual cycle. As opposed to 'Ordinarium Missae' which have fixed texts (but various melodies) (Kyrie, Benedictus, Sanctus, Agnus Dei).

Introits cover the procession of the officiants. Introits are antiphonal chants, typically consisting of an antiphon, a psalm verse, a repeat of the antiphon, an intonation of the Gloria Patri Doxology, and a final repeat of the antiphon. Reciting tones often dominate their melodic structures.

Graduals are responsorial chants that follow the reading of the Epistle. Graduals usually result from centonization; stock musical phrases are assembled like a patchwork to create the full melody of the chant, creating families of musically related melodies. Graduals are accompanied by an elaborate Verse, so that it actually consists in two different parts, A B. Often the first part is sung again, creating a 'rondeau' A B A. At least the verse, if not the complete gradual, is for the solo cantor and are in elaborate, ornate style with long, wide-ranged melisma's.

The Alleluia is known for the jubilus, an extended joyful melisma on the last vowel of 'Alleluia'. The Alleluia is also in two parts, the alleluia proper and the psalmverse, by which the Alleluia is identified (Alleluia V. Pascha nostrum) . The last melism of the verse is the same as the jubilus attached to the Alleluia. Alleluias are not sung during penitential times, such as Lent. Instead, a Tract is chanted, usually with texts from the Psalms. Tracts, like Graduals, are highly centonized.

Sequences are sung poems based on couplets. Although many sequences are not part of the liturgy and thus not part of the Gregorian repertory proper, Gregorian sequences include such well-known chants as Victimae paschali laudes and Veni Sancte Spiritus. According to Notker Balbulus, an early sequence writer, their origins lie in the addition of words to the long melismas of the jubilus of Alleluia chants.[57]

Offertories are sung during the offering of Eucharistic bread and wine. Offertories once had highly prolix melodies in their verses, but the use of verses in Gregorian Offertories disappeared around the 12th century. These verses however, are among the most ornate and elaborated in the whole chant repertoire. Offertories are in form closest to Responsories, which are likewise accompanied by at least one Verse and the opening sections of both Off. and Resp. are partly repeated after the verse(s). This last section is therefore called the 'repetenda' and is in performance the last melodic line of the chant.

Communions are sung during the distribution of the Eucharist. In presentation the Communio is similar to the Introitus, an antiphon with a series of psalm verses. Communion melodies are often tonally ambiguous and do not fit into a single musical mode which has led to the same communio being classed in different modes in different manuscripts or editions.

Ordinary chants of the Mass

The Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Benedictus and Agnus Dei use the same text in every service of the Mass. Because they follow the regular invariable "order" of the Mass, these chants are called "Ordinary".

The Kyrie consists of a threefold repetition of "Kyrie eleison" ("Lord, have mercy"), a threefold repetition of "Christe eleison" ("Christ have mercy"), followed by another threefold repetition of "Kyrie eleison." In older chants, "Kyrie eleison imas" ("Lord, have mercy on us") can be found. The Kyrie is distinguished by its use of the Greek language instead of Latin. Because of the textual repetition, various musical repeat structures occur in these chants. The following, Kyrie ad. lib. VI as transmitted in a Cambrai manuscript, uses the form ABA CDC EFE', with shifts in tessitura between sections. The E' section, on the final "Kyrie eleison", itself has an aa'b structure, contributing to the sense of climax.[58]

The Gloria recites the Greater Doxology, and the Credo intones the Nicene Creed. Because of the length of these texts, these chants often break into musical subsections corresponding with textual breaks. Because the Credo was the last Ordinary chant to be added to the Mass, there are relatively few Credo melodies in the Gregorian corpus.

The Sanctus and the Agnus Dei, like the Kyrie, also contain repeated texts, which their musical structures often exploit.

Technically, the Ite missa est and the Benedicamus Domino, which conclude the Mass, belong to the Ordinary. They have their own Gregorian melodies, but because they are short and simple, and have rarely been the subject of later musical composition, they are often omitted in discussion.

Chants of the Office

Gregorian chant is sung in the canonical hours of the monastic Office, primarily in antiphons used to sing the Psalms, in the Great Responsories of Matins, and the Short Responsories of the Lesser Hours and Compline. The psalm antiphons of the Office tend to be short and simple, especially compared to the complex Great Responsories.

At the close of the Office, one of four Marian antiphons is sung. These songs, Alma Redemptoris Mater (see top of article), Ave Regina caelorum, Regina caeli laetare, and Salve, Regina, are relatively late chants, dating to the 11th century, and considerably more complex than most Office antiphons. Apel has described these four songs as "among the most beautiful creations of the late Middle Ages."[59]

Influence

Medieval and Renaissance music

Gregorian chant had a significant impact on the development of medieval and Renaissance music. Modern staff notation developed directly from Gregorian neumes. The square notation that had been devised for plainchant was borrowed and adapted for other kinds of music. Certain groupings of neumes were used to indicate repeating rhythms called rhythmic modes. Rounded noteheads increasingly replaced the older squares and lozenges in the 15th and 16th centuries, although chantbooks conservatively maintained the square notation. By the 16th century, the fifth line added to the musical staff had become standard. The bass clef and the flat, natural, and sharp accidentals derived directly from Gregorian notation.[60]

Gregorian melodies provided musical material and served as models for tropes and liturgical dramas. Vernacular hymns such as "Christ ist erstanden" and "Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist" adapted original Gregorian melodies to translated texts. Secular tunes such as the popular Renaissance "In Nomine" were based on Gregorian melodies. Beginning with the improvised harmonizations of Gregorian chant known as organum, Gregorian chants became a driving force in medieval and Renaissance polyphony. Often, a Gregorian chant (sometimes in modified form) would be used as a cantus firmus, so that the consecutive notes of the chant determined the harmonic progression. The Marian antiphons, especially Alma Redemptoris Mater, were frequently arranged by Renaissance composers. The use of chant as a cantus firmus was the predominant practice until the Baroque period, when the stronger harmonic progressions made possible by an independent bass line became standard.

The Catholic Church later allowed polyphonic arrangements to replace the Gregorian chant of the Ordinary of the Mass. This is why the Mass as a compositional form, as set by composers like Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina or Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, features a Kyrie but not an Introit. The Propers may also be replaced by choral settings on certain solemn occasions. Among the composers who most frequently wrote polyphonic settings of the Propers were William Byrd and Tomás Luis de Victoria. These polyphonic arrangements usually incorporate elements of the original chant.

20th century

The renewed interest in early music in the late 19th century left its mark on 20th-century music. Gregorian influences in classical music include the choral setting of four chants in "Quatre motets sur des thèmes Grégoriens" by Maurice Duruflé, the carols of Peter Maxwell Davies, and the choral work of Arvo Pärt. Gregorian chant has been incorporated into other genres, such as London Boys's "Requiem" and some other dance compositions, Enigma's "Sadeness (Part I)", the chant interpretation of pop and rock by the German band Gregorian, the New age project Era, the techno project E Nomine, many of the songs by American Power/Thrash metal band Iced Earth, and the work of black metal band Deathspell Omega. The modal melodies of chant provide unusual sounds to ears attuned to modern scales. It has also been used in The Omen's main theme, Ave Satani.

Notes

  1. ↑ Dezvoltarea stilurilor de notație este discutată la Dolmetsch online, accesat la 4 iulie 2006
  2. ↑ David Hiley, „Western Plainchant” pp. 484–5.
  3. ↑ Willi Apel, „Gregorian Chant” p. 34.
  4. ↑ Apel, Cântul Gregorian p. 74.
  5. ↑ Hiley, „Western Plainchant” pp. 484–7 și James McKinnon, „Antiquity and the Middle”. Vârstele p. 72.
  6. ↑ McKinnon, James W.: „Christian Church, muzica timpurie ”, ed. Grove Music Online. L. Macy (accesat la 11 iulie 2006), (acces prin abonament)
  7. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 486.
  8. ↑ James McKinnon, Antiquity and the Middle Ages p. 320.
  9. ↑ Format:Ws din 1913, articol de Heinrich Bewerunge.
  10. ↑ Apel, Cântul gregorian p. 79.
  11. ↑ McKinnon, Antichitatea și Evul Mediu p. 114.
  12. ↑ Wilson, Music of the Middle Ages p. 13.
  13. ↑ David Wilson, „Music of Evul Mediu p. 10.
  14. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 604.
  15. ↑ Apel, „Cântul gregorian” p. 80.
  16. ↑ Richard Hoppin, Muzica medievală p. 47.
  17. ↑ Carl Parrish, „A Treasury of Early Music” pp. 8–9
  18. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant pp. 288–289.
  19. ↑ Hiley, „Western Plainchant” p. 622.
  20. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 624–627.
  21. ↑ Format:Cite web
  22. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music pp. 85–88.
  23. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 203
  24. ↑ Hoppin, Anthology of Medieval Music p. 11.
  25. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music p. 81.
  26. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music p. 123.
  27. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music p. 131.
  28. ↑ Wilson, Music of the Middle Ages p. 11.
  29. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music pp. 64–5.
  30. ↑ Hoppin, Medieval Music p. 82.
  31. ↑ Wilson, Music of the Middle Ages p. 22.
  32. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 166–78, and Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 454.
  33. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant pp. 608–10.
  34. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant pp. 171–2.
  35. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant pp. 256–7.
  36. ↑ Wilson, Music of the Middle Ages p. 21.
  37. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant pp. 258–9.
  38. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant pp. 344–63.
  39. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant pp. 110–113.
  40. ↑ Levy, Kenneth: "Plainchant", Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy (Accessed 20 January 2006), (subscription access)
  41. ↑ Carol Neuls-Bates, Women in Music p. 3.
  42. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 504.
  43. ↑ Apel, p. 312.
  44. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 197.
  45. ↑ Hiley, "Chant", Performance Practice: Music before 1600 p. 44. "The performance of chant in equal note lengths from the 13th century onwards is well supported by contemporary statements."
  46. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 289.
  47. ↑ Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 127.
  48. ↑ Dyer, Joseph: "Roman Catholic Church Music", Section VI.1, Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 28 June 2006), (subscription access)
  49. ↑ William P. Mahrt, "Chant", A Performer's Guide to Medieval Music p. 18.
  50. ↑ Dirk van Kampen (1994). Het oorspronkelijke ritme van het Gregoriaans: Een ‘semiologisch-mensuralistische’ studie. Landsmeer, ISBN 90-900742-8-7.
  51. ↑ Dirk van Kampen (2005). Uitgangspunten voor de ritmiek van Gregoriaans. Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans, 30, 89-94.
  52. ↑ Gregoriaans ritme. Dutch Wikipedia contribution by Dr. Dirk van Kampen.
  53. ↑ Chris Hakkennes (1984). Graduale Lagal. Den Haag: Stichting Centrum voor de Kerkzang.
  54. ↑ Peter Wagner (1916). Zur ursprünglichen Ausführung des Gregorianischen Gesanges. Gregoriusblatt, 81-82.
  55. ↑ J. Jeannin (1930). Proportionale Dauerwerte oder einfache Schattierungen im Gregorianischen Choral? Gregoriusblatt, 54, 129-135.
  56. ↑ G. Reese (1940). Music in the Middle Ages. New York: Norton & Comp., p. 166.
  57. ↑ Richard Crocker, The Early Medieval Sequence pp. 1–2.
  58. ↑ Hiley, Western Plainchant p. 153.
  59. ↑ Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant p. 404.
  60. ↑ Chew, Geoffrey and Richard Rastall: "Notation", Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy (Accessed 27 June 2006), (subscription access)

References

External links

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